The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank

Abstract The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank are international organisations created to provide financial aid, and enhance the structures of international payment systems in the world markets. In the year 1944, the two organisations began their operation following the signing of the Articles of Agreement by the member states. During its inception period, the IMF consisted of 45 members.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The two institutions share similar attributes in that they were created at the same time, are based in the US, and have analogous Articles of Agreement. However, the major distinction between the two institutions is that the World Bank is largely owned by the American citizens, while the IMF is largely owned by the European citizens. According to the economists, the two organisations have great i nfluence on global economic policies and strategies. Their authority over economic policies has contributed to the strengthening of the macroeconomic frameworks, reduction in sector deficits, and decline in public debt accumulations among the member states. Contrary to what economists assert, sceptics believe that the two international organisations have acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement (Antonio 34). Over time, the World Bank and the IMF have redefined their mandates as financial institutions. On this background, this article seeks to explore the validity of these criticisms by analysing the policies and actions of the two organisations. Background World Bank Before a country becomes a member of the World Bank, it must subscribe to the bank’s shares. Over time, the bank has majored on loan operations. Loans are awarded to banks, public institutions, and private organisations within their member states’ jurisdictions. In case a borrow er is from a non-member state, the borrower’s loan needs to be guaranteed by a member state. In accordance with the banks Articles of Agreement, all lending operations should be preceded by a guarantee agreement from member states. Before the year 1968, the bank was actively engaged in lending loans geared towards project developments. However, when the Basic Needs approach was adopted, under the leadership of Robert McNamara, the bank focused its operation on tackling poverty in the developing countries. Similarly, the bank started to offer assistance in development projects in developing countries by overseeing Structural Adjustment Loan (SAL) programs (Suvedī 78).Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Through these programs, the bank aims to change the national economic policies among the member states. After the arrangement of the SAL, funds are distributed in a sy stematic manner over time according to the country’s ability to push for changes in specific policy areas. Notably, the bank needs their member states to change their economic policies in line with their requirements. This condition requires member states to reform their industrial, agricultural, financial, export and import policies. Through these measures, the countries have to share and sometimes relinquish their economic decisions to the World Bank. By doing so, the World Bank has interfered with the member states’ sovereignty contrary to the Articles of Agreement. Similarly, by interfering with its member state public administration apparatus, labour regulations, and public investment policies, the bank has acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement by compromising on the member state’s sovereignty. IMF The IMF allows its member states to contribute to the bank’s deposits. Through this contribution, each member state earns i nterest, quota, depending on its economy. According to the IMF regulations, the quotas consist of five tranches accessed in times of financial need. The member states have automatic access over one of the five tranches. However, other tranches are accessed under certain conditions and arrangements. Among these arrangements are Stand-By Arrangements, Poverty Reduction Arrangements, Growth Facility Arrangements, and Extended Fund Facility Arrangements. These arrangements and conditions were incorporated to ensure that the bank resources meet the member states’ goals of resolving balance of payment challenges in accordance with the banks Articles of Agreement. Under these conditions, the bank can only disburse its money to the borrower on a piecemeal basis. Similarly, the loans can be accredited when the borrowing state meets certain economic and financial policies required by the bank. Through these acts, critics argue that international organisations have not only interfered w ith the member states sovereignty but also limited their ability to create their own economic and financial policies. Criticisms Following the current state of the world economy, the two institutions have been heavily criticised for the ever-increasing gap between the poor nations and the rich nations. Critics argue that the two organisations have acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement. Currently, more than 400 organisations and NGOs have ganged up to call for the restriction and regulation of the two institutions (Lowenfeld 23).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More According to these groups, the two institutions lack the expertise to tackle social and environmental challenges affecting each specific country. As such, the organisations should formulate specific policies and measures to be used in each cou ntry. In addition, these groups argue that the IMF has only focused on rectifying short-term balances of payment challenges damaging the social fabric of several countries, rather than helping them as the Articles of Agreement assert. Globally, it is widely argued that the two international banks’ policies have worsened the global economic and financial situations. According to critics, the organisations’ policies have not only failed, but also worsened the economic conditions in the borrowing countries. A similar criticism claims that even in countries where the two organisations have led to the enhancement in macro-economic indicators, social disparities have been eminent. Notably the use of one-size-fits all approach and restrictions of government involvements in their policies have resulted in a vicious cycle of stagnation. These approaches have seen the debtor countries reduce the public expenditure in several sectors including health, education, and other social services. In the recent past, more debtors have had to privatise their state firms, limit credit lending, and reform their tax policies to meet the requirements stipulated by the two organisations (Schrijver 56). Through these measures, the organisations have triggered conflicts in some nations. For instance, in the year 2000, the World Bank forced the Bolivian government to privatize its water service system. They had to abide by the World Bank’s directive to qualify for the 25 million US dollars they had requested for from the institution. Through this move, the government of Bolivia had to reorganise its resource management systems to suit the foreign interests rather than the country’s interests. These initiatives later sparked numerous protests and demonstrations from the country’s citizens. On the other hand, critics have criticised the two organisations for their lack of transparency and democracy in their affairs. Though the institutions claim that they are transparent, their hypocrisy is evidenced every time they carry out their activities in seclusion.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Critics argue that the organisations should exercise transparent governance because as they require from their debtors. The IMF has been heavily criticised by sceptics for its lack of transparency in most of its acts. Sceptics argue that before IMF enters into an agreement with any country, they already have decided on the policy proposals thus limiting the country’s ability to adjust on these proposals. Through these acts, the IMF does not only contradict its governance procedures as stipulated in the Articles of Agreement, but also perpetuates unresponsive policies leading to severe economic condition in debtor countries (Qureshi 67). Criticisms on the democratic deficit bases their principles on the fact that the funds lend from these institutions are provided by the G-7 member states. According to the critics, it is wrong for the two institutions to impose inappropriate policies on countries that have no ability to contribute to the decision processes in the two organisat ions. Similarly, the restrictions of the debtor countries’ participation in decision-making processes amount to violation of their rights to govern their country directly and indirectly. In addition, the citizens of the debtor countries have limited mechanisms to force the two organisations to be accountable in their acts. Analysis The World Bank’s and the IMF’s articles of the agreement are clearly outlined, and any acts by these organisations not covered in the Articles of Agreement are considered ultra vires. Thus, the functions of the two institutions must be in accordance with the Articles of Agreement. In the recent past, the two organisations have been heavily criticised for interfering with political and social affairs of their member states. According to article 10, of the World Bank Articles of Agreement, the bank and its personnel are prohibited from interfering with political affairs of their member states (Simon Bryan 34). As such, the articles ass ert that political individuals in the member state should not influence the bank’s decision. This implies that the bank should focus on economic affairs rather than political affairs of member states when formulating their policies. As emphasised in their Articles of Agreement, the bank should uphold the political sovereignty of its member states. Similarly, the IMF’s Articles of Agreement prohibit the organisation from participating in political interference among the member states. From the stipulations outlined above, it is apparent that the international lending institutions embrace the same view on political actions in member states. Contrary to this rule, these organisations are accused to be working under the preference of the United States and other industrialized countries. These countries are alleged to be providing structural constraints within which the IMF and the World Bank work. Beyond these constraints set by the industrialised nations, activities of th e IMF and the World Bank are subjective to professional economists whose intentions are in accordance with particular institutional environments. Owing to this, the IMF and the World Bank prescriptions have been accused of aiding political pressures and institutional constraints from their stakeholders’ countries. Since their inceptions, corruption has been a great concern for the two organisations. The organisation has condemned on the vice recognising as a major challenge in the developing countries. In the affected countries, corruption has drained their national resources and negatively affected their economy. The organisations have been advocating for the formation of anticorruption bodies in the affected member states to thwart the practice. Challenges arise when the affected member state borrows money from the international organisations. According to their Articles of Agreements, the institutions are supposed to ensure that the money borrowed is used in the intended p urpose. In this regard, the organisations cannot separate themselves from the issues of corruption in the affected countries. However, their involvements must be in accordance with the Articles of Agreement. Through this, they are required to advise, encourage, and support the affected countries in fighting corruption only without being involved in their political affairs. However, over the years, the World Bank and the IMF have formulated policies that have deprived the lawfully governments’ abilities to create their own economic policies and programs. Though the two organisations have refuted the claims, these acts are eminent from the way they distribute their loans to various governments. Several literatures have focused on how the IMF and World Bank have trampled on the national sovereignty of its member states. These literatures assert that the institutions have compromised on the national sovereignty of the member states through imposing conditionality on their loans. Remarkably, international organisations including the World Bank and the IMF have imposed western cultural values on emerging economies disregarding on their autonomy. According to Graham Bird, when countries turn to IMF for fiscal assistance they have to aware that they are losing their national sovereignty over economic policy to the institution. Another writer, Catherine H. Lee, believes that the IMF and the World Bank have greatly interfered with the internal affairs of developing member states. Thus, it is a fact that the two international organisations are interfering with the political affairs of their member states indirectly through their conditionality arrangement. By doing so, critics’ allegations that the organisations are acting contrary to the powers bestowed to them by the Articles of Agreement are confirmed. Over the last decade, the two organisations have evolved immensely astonishing the critics and their founders. Their expansion has come to be referred to as economic creep by the sceptics. Between the two organisations, the IMF has been greatly criticised due to its dramatic expansion. During its inception, the IMF was only mandated to provide fiscal assistance and assist countries manage their balance of payment challenges. However, over time the institution has expanded its boundaries to include development and poverty eradication programs. Through these initiatives, the IMF has acted contrary to its Articles of Agreement since these acts were not envisioned in the original articles. Those against this move argue that it is illegal for the institution to engage itself in activities meant for other organs of the UN agencies. Through these changes, conditionality measures have been introduced. Over time, these conditionality measures have expanded to oversee adjustment of national currencies. In the recent past, the measures have expanded to include trade liberalization, bankruptcy legislation, poverty eradication measures, anti terr orism measures, and bankruptcy legislations. IMF and ultra vires acts Through their massive expansion, the IMF has been accused of overstepping its mandate outlined in the Articles of Agreement. The IMF has compromised its original mandate of facilitating payment adjustments through these dramatic expansions. If the organisation had stuck to its original mandate, it could have generated little business. However, by redefining its roles to meet with the current economic challenges, the institution has had to deal with issues tackled by the multilateral development banks leading to the conflict of interests. For instance, the IMF’s shift to finance the long-term balance of payment had long been initiated by the World Bank. The World Bank had tried to tackle the issue before they changed their mandate to finance projects aimed at eradicating poverty. Equally, the IMF has overstepped its mandate by availing its funds to all developing countries. As stated in the Articles of Agree ment, the IMF’s balance of payment support is limited to low income developing countries. Through these acts, the IMF has denied some countries with chronic payments deficits chances to revive their situations. In its attempt to enhance the development and poverty alleviation programs in the developing countries, IMF strategies and structural conditionality have covered all areas related to development policy. Through this act, the organisation has not only acted contrary to the Articles of Agreement, but also created numerous problems in development policy. It is alleged that the institution is not competent to tackle such complex issues. Those opposed to this move argue that there are serious risks in relinquishing development matters to international organisations mandated to tackle short-term financial challenges. It is a fact that the IMF’s involvement in poverty reduction programs may yield fruits; however, this does not imply that that the organisation is acting in accordance with the Articles of Agreement by working in such areas. The IMF should realise that there are other recognised institutions, with expertise and resources, mandated to work in such areas. In this regard, the IMF should stop with immediate effect duplicating other institutional projects, and rather cooperate and coordinate development projects directed by these institutions. The IMF and the World Bank have refuted claims that they are duplicating their functions. The two organisations argue that they are closely working together to coordinate their programs and to minimise overlap. However, reality indicates that indeed the two organisations are duplicating their roles contrary to their Articles of Agreement. Through these acts, opponents have called the two organisations to merge their roles. Similarly, the two organisations leadership has been accused of being undemocratic. The voting rights in the two institutions are not allocated on the principles of democracy. As such, most of their votes are allocated to wealthy industrialized nations. This implies that the more money a country has the more votes they earn from the two organisations. Allegations against the IMF in Asia In Asia, IMF’s and the World Bank strategies in the past have conflicted with their Articles of Agreement. During the Asian crisis, Indonesia was adversely affected by the economic challenges due to poor policies and strategies, which were implemented by the IMF to reverse on the situation. During this period, 1997 to 1998, the Indonesian currency lost its value by 83% owing to forceful interactions of politics and economics policies. As a result, Indonesia’s economic imbalances were rated among the worst in Asia. In their attempt to reverse on these situations, the IMF had to step in and help the country from further economic plunders. Through this, the IMF advised the Indonesian government to reduce on their expenditure, cut down expenditure on social service s, privatise its state firms, and adopt appropriate fiscal policies. Before the country could be funded, to bail its state institution out of the fiscal challenges, they had to meet IMF’s conditions. Later on the IMF’s program in the country led to several problems. The structure of the program adopted was so complex that the country could not incorporate. Similarly, the provisions provided by the IMF strained the Indonesian government’s ability to ease its social pressures. On the other hand, restructuring led to a rapid decline in the economy’s expansion raising the level of public frustration. During the crisis, the Indonesian market confidence was greatly affected by the financial catastrophe. Under the IMF’s program, the country was prohibited from bailing out banks and private companies that succumbed to the crisis. As a result, Indonesian businesses suffered. Later on when the government implemented tight monetary policies under directives f rom the IMF and the World Bank, the country witnessed the closure of several unprofitable banks, reduction in budgetary spending, and the failure of extended companies. Because of these, the IMF realised that their acts were going to trigger social tension. To prevent such occurrence, the IMF approved that under no circumstances could the elites be exempted from the sternness. Through this move, the IMF moved in to fight corruption to restore market confidence in the country. Critics argue that the IMF and the World Bank initiatives during the crisis were out of their power as stated out in their Articles of Agreement. The IMF’s structural reforms in the short term had negative implications on the country’s economy. As such, when Indonesia adopted these structural reforms in accordance with the IMF’s directive, they increased their country’s future indebtedness. Economists assert that if the country could have used $10 billion IMF standby finance during t he crisis, the country’s debt stock could have increased by 70%. According to the economists, these figures could have been extremely high, and could have led to further economic crises such as defaults in the long-term foreign debt payment. Another challenge experienced in Indonesia during the crises was that the public was under-informed on the roles of the IMF during the crises. According to economic analysts, the challenges in Asia at the time were unique. In this respect, the analyst believed that the IMF deployed the wrong policies and strategies worsening the situation. This implies that, the budget cutting, credit tightening and emergency bank closures were inappropriate. Therefore, the banking sector should have been strengthened by the government and the IMF rather than enhancing their hasty closures. Through this, the IMF and the Indonesian government should have advised the weaker banks to merge with the stronger banks and encourage them to raise their capital bas es. Economic crisis in Russia The Russian economic crises of the year 1988 proved that international lending organisations interfere with economic, social, and political activities of their member states. By examining, the IMF’s involvement in Russia for the last decade, we can affirm this allegation. The institution has not only interfered with the country’s political structures, but also objected the second phase of reforms desired by the Russian citizens. From the beginning of their involvement in Russia, the IMF’s interests were driven by the western interest and aspirations in the region. As such, the institution was not competent to tackle the issues faced by the Russians during the economic crisis. It is alleged that the institution was largely preferred over the EU since it solved the country’s crisis in accordance to the US’ wishes. At the same time, the US interest in the region promoted its overall rating. Similarly, by engaging itself i n the Russian economic crisis, the IMF saw this as an opportunity to take a lead in policy alteration economies. Before the crisis, the institution was actively engaged in tackling balance of payment challenges in member states. Based on these allegations, the IMF overstepped its mandate right from the time it began its involvements in Russia. As stated above, several challenges emerged from the institutions involvements in the country. During this period, the IMF had little experience of tackling long-term economic issues since this mandate was not stipulated in their Articles of Agreement. In this regard, the institution was not competent enough to enhance the country’s transition from communism to capitalism. When Russian government was faced with an economic crisis in the late 1980s, they applied for membership in the IMF. Its membership was fully granted in the year 1992. Following this, the institution funded the country’s government in two phases before stopping . Critics assert that although the IMF allowed the country to become part of its members, the institution was slow in responding to the country’s needs. According to the critics, the slowness to respond implied that the organisation was acting under the policies and interests of the Western countries who are the major shareholders. Through this act, the IMF acted above its powers stipulated in the Articles of Agreement by being influenced by political interests. Similarly, the institution is criticised for its steps in advising the Russian government to liberalise their markets and privatise their state firms contrary to the Russians wishes. Through this move, several protests and demonstrations were witnessed through Russia. Similarly, the Russian parliament was involved in objecting the government’s directive. According to the demonstrators, the government had made a wrong decision by accepting foreign assistance in the management of their economic crisis. Those oppo sed to the move were fully aware that international organisation participations in their country would compromise on their national sovereignty. Allegations against the World Bank Having been in the lending business for more than five decades, the World Bank is a major lending institution in its field. The bank provides more than $20 billion annually to its borrowers. Its stakeholders through a board of directors control the bank. During its inception, the bank was mandated to alleviate poverty through funding long-term development projects. Over time, the bank has expanded its roles and become more bureaucratic, more inwardly focused, and more averse to criticisms. Through this initiative, the bank has fostered a lending culture disregarding the risks of failure. Similarly, its management team has lied to the public on its lending operations, fostering an illusion that the institution is aimed at enhancing world developments. Because of these, the sceptics have condemned the World Bank for acting above its mandate. Although the organisation management teams are responsible for the bank’s success, they develop and implement economic policies as they are pleased disregarding the Articles of Agreement. It is alleged that the bank’s management teams are the gods of lending. This implies that they have disregarded the terms stated out in the article of agreement by leading the bank to perform its unintended missions and ignoring their professional obligations. Similarly, it is alleged that the bank is cooperating with some of the third world government officials to fund white elephant projects contrary to the best interest of the citizens in these developing nations. Critics argue that the bank pretends to be lending their funds for noble initiatives in the third world countries, while the borrowers pretend they will put the funds in the noble initiatives. Through these illegal acts, some of the bank’s staff and borrowers’ leaders have been able to serve their own interests at the expense of the poverty-stricken citizens. Notably, the World Bank’s initiatives relating to governance and anticorruption have attracted numerous criticisms. In the late 1990s, the World Bank and the IMF activities in the developing world were being faced with numerous challenges owing to rampant cases of corruption in the countries. After decades of lending, the bank realized that the borrowers were losing their borrowed money through corruption. The bank attempted to stop the prevalence of corruption through investigations, identification, and exposure of fraud committed against Bank projects. Through these acts, it depicted an appropriate step towards fostering accountability and transparency in their projects, which was against the provision stipulated in their Articles of Agreement. After a futile attempt to stop corruption cases, the World Bank management later realised that they had overstepped their mandate, something that the critics could use against them, the bank changed its focus on fighting corruption. The bank then shifted from exposing corruption to studying it. Critics argue that the shift of focus has worked well, in that it has allowed them to claim leadership in fighting corruption whilst authorising them to continue funding the corrupt governments. Through these acts, it is clear that the World Bank and the corrupt governments continue to plunder billions of dollars through white elephant projects each year. Although the World Bank claims that it is making positive steps towards ensuring that their funds meets the intended purposes, they should realise that the gap between the poor and the rich in the developing countries has been on the increase. By acknowledging this fact, the World Bank should similarly acknowledge that by the institution acting beyond the powers outlined in its Articles of Agreement has aggravated the situation. Similarly, the World Bank should acknowledge this alleg ation by lending less and supervising more. Through this, it should employ all the possible powers outlined in the Articles of Agreement to investigate, prosecute, and punish corrupt staff members who are colluding with the corrupt governments for their own selfish interests. The bank’s claim that poor governance and corruption are the major obstacles to economic growth has resulted in numerous disagreements between the accused governments and the organisation. Developing countries insist that the bank’s effort to stem out corruption and promote good governance within their territories is beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement. Despite the fact that these governments’ claims are true, they should realise that the bank’s funds are meant to uplift the livelihoods of their citizens, and not to benefit some few elites in their respective governments. Despite the critics’ allegations, legal writers argue that through the acts des cribed above the World Bank and the IMF acted within their legal mandate. According to these scholars, the decision organs of international organisations such as the World Bank have exclusive rights to interpret the article of agreements. By doing so, international institutions are mandated by the provisions to commit illegal acts. With respect to these legal experts’ concept, the doctrine of ultra vires is not applicable to international organisations, and that their activities and decisions are always legal and valid. The Articles of Agreements of both organisations have clear procedures to be followed in determining whether an individual or the executive board members exceeded their powers in interpreting the provisions. Through this, the IMF and the World Bank have argued that their acts of expanding the organisations mandates were justified within their Articles of Agreement. The organisations assert that the expansion of their institutions has taken place in accordance with article IV consultations. For instance, before the collapse of the par value system the IMF was largely involved in the macroeconomic issues. After the collapse of this system, the IMF became involved in the microeconomic issues. The organisations argue that it was within its mandate to change its roles as the article of agreements allows the organisation to tackle payment deficits and to assist countries with balance of payment issues. Conclusion In conclusion, we should note that the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund were created as specialized agencies of the United Nations during the World War II. According to their Articles of Agreement, the two institutions function under the directions of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). Sceptics argue that the two organisations are not functioning in compliance with the ECOSOC directives. If the two organisations could work under the General Assembly directives, they could not only be more accountable, but also con centrate more on both social issues and banking interests. Informal surveys indicate that the top officials in these organisations are unaccountable to their member states. According to these surveys, most individuals are not only unaware of the existence of the two organisations, but also unaware of their functions. The organisations spend huge sums of their resources in propaganda that portrays them as institutions aimed at steering acts and policies geared towards enhancing economic development. However, in the recent years the two organisations have been under heavy criticisms for acting beyond their Articles of Agreements. Notably, academics and NGOs have alleged that the two organisations represent the interest of the transnational corporations and banks that provide them with most of their capital. As such, individuals mandated to create policies in these organisations operate under the influence of first world bankers and third world elites. This implies that the poor, who a re the majority, are shielded from presenting their policies and evaluations. In this regard, this article concludes that the two organisations are reinforcing poverty rather than reducing it. According to their Articles of Agreements, the two organisations should encourage private corporations to invest in the developing countries in order to spur economic growth in these countries. Instead, the organisations have focused on increasing profits for their shareholders at the expense of the poor in the developing countries. Similarly, by allocating huge sums of money in the hands of some few elites in the developing countries, the IMF and the World Bank have equipped these few individuals with resources enabling them to hang on to power and resist social pressures (Weiss Friedl 7). Works Cited Antonio Cassese. International law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print. Lowenfeld, Andreas F. International economic law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Print. Qureshi, Asif H .. Perspectives in international economic law. London: Kluwer Law International, 2002. Print. Schrijver, Nico. Sovereignty over natural resources: balancing rights and duties. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Print. Simon, Lester and Bryan Mercurio. World trade law: text, materials, and commentary. Oxford: Hart, 2008. Print. Suvedī, Sūryaprasāda. International investment law: reconciling policy and principle. Oxford: Hart, 2008. Print. Weiss L, and Friedl. International economic law with a human face. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1998. Print. This essay on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank was written and submitted by user Trey Love to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

What is the Meaning of Life in the Works of Gilgamesh and Agamemnon

What is the Meaning of Life in the Works of Gilgamesh and Agamemnon Introduction Men and women alike have tried to define the purpose of life in vain. Trying to answer the question ‘what is the meaning of life?’ has been one of the hardest tasks for humanity. In this article, I will make an attempt to briefly shade some light on this question. Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on â€Å"What is the Meaning of Life?† in the Works of Gilgamesh and Agamemnon specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More I will heavily borrow from the works of Gilgamesh and Agamemnon in trying to answer this question. I view these two works to be quite relevant in answering the question as the events taking place in the two works have an accurate reflection of the present day life. What is the meaning of life? Answering the above question needs a deep reflection. From the religious point of view, a person has a divine purpose which he/she ought to accomplish in his/her lifetime. Does that therefore mea n that one’s life is predetermined? And if it is predetermined, then why should we struggle to accomplish missions which will somehow be accomplished – since they are predetermined! Gilgamesh and Agamemnon Examining the works and lives of the Gilgamesh and Agamemnon one is left wondering why a person in a prestigious position should undergo so many miseries. Is it justified to suffer for the sake of gaining fame? This is what we mostly see in the lives of Gilgamesh and Agamemnon. Gilgamesh goes to all lengths to gain fame. In the course of doing this, there are a number of people who suffer because of his quests: Enkidu died miserably as a result of the conquests of Gilgamesh. It is a pity to see Gilgamesh trying to make the afterlife of Enkidu smooth by trying to appease the gods to accept him (Mack, 1997). Is it not ironical that at the end of his great conquests, Gilgamesh and Enkidu have bitter endings? One readily gets attempted to ask the question, ‘is li fe meant to have a bitter ending after a sweet lifetime?’ If the answer is yes, then what is the meaning of life? Life reciprocates proportionally Arguing philosophically we can claim that one determines the fate of his life. With respect to this view, then the meaning of life will be what you want it to be. Advertising Looking for essay on philosophy? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More In other words you determine what meaning your life will have. I find this argument quite practical in the present life as well I find it quite applicable in the two works being discussion in this article. Gilgamesh is seen seeking fame by trying to dethrone some gods and exalting himself above them, what does he expect back? This is also very evident in the life Agamemnon. Agamemnon gets involved in heinous activities, what does he expect back? Agamemnon’s miseries clearly have roots in the evils committed by him and thos e close to him. This argument leads us to the point of knowing that life reciprocates proportionally to what we do. So, what is the meaning of life? Now that we know that life reciprocates proportionally to what we do then what does that mean. From the above arguments I have made above, I believe that life is a chance one gets to make the world a better place or at least to participate in making the world a better place. Logically, then life is chance for one to experience his/her own actions. This calls for the need for every person to be accountable for what he/she does. If we embrace hearts of good faith towards our neighbors including the environment then we are more likely to find life a bit enjoyable. We are less likely to face misfortunes which often make us wonder what life means. Reference Mack, M. (1997). The Norton anthology of world masterpieces. New York, NY: Norton.

How fertility was portrayed in ancient art Essay

How fertility was portrayed in ancient art - Essay Example The earliest artifacts that portray fertility can be said to emanate from both the historical periods of Neolithic and Paleolithic period. These images included sculptures in which females were portrayed, whereby the artists presented the women with swollen bellies, as well as accentuated thighs and breasts. One of these images is the â€Å"Venus of Willendorf†, which encompasses a figure of a female that is well rounded. The picture of the woman in this portrait has been carved from limestone whose shape is that of an egg. This work portrays fertility since it seems that the artist who curved it linked fertility with the shape of the stone used, which resembled an egg. Fertility in this artwork can also be portrayed by the fact that it has some features, which can be regarded as the phenomenon of female figurines (Liu 147). Some archeologists have referred to this image as the goddess of fertility. This image is crucial since it portrays some features that relate to fertility . For example, the swelling in the image, as well as the femininity emphasized by the sculptor, can be connected to female fertility. From this image, fertility, in its physical form, can be seen from most of the features that the image possesses. The female figure appears as strong and large, which is common in pregnant women who fall under the category of fertile people. The continuity and change about fertility can be depicted by the fact that figure appears as stable. In addition, the hands of the female figure can be seen resting on her breasts, which further presents her as strong. The power seen in the figure can be associated with childbirth and stable health, which relate to fertility (Liu 147). Another ancient piece of art that represents fertility is the â€Å"Venus of laussel.† This image consists of a drawing, which portrays an overweight woman, but with little presented about her looks. This figure can be found in Laussel, which is a cave in the French Valley of Dordogne. Scholars of the Paleolithic period have asserted that the woman in this image holds a crescent moon. The figure held by the woman resembles the crescent moon. In addition, the figure has 13 stripes, which represent the lunar cycle. Since the Venus has her hand on her belly, which is of large size, this can be regarded to be a sign of fertility. Moreover, the tallies, which the crescent has, can sometimes be referred as the total number of cycles of menstruation, which a woman experiences in one year. This image can be regarded as important since it presents some of the symbols, which related to fertility in women (James 230). The other image that represents fertility is the â€Å"Sculptured Vase† from the Uruk Period. This sculpture represents Inanna, the goddess associated with both fertility and love. This figure represents a huge image of the goddess receiving some offerings. In addition, there is also a representation of a man who is nude. The purpose of the va se is to honor the goddess, who can be considered valuable for the role she plays when it come to fertility. It is believed that this goddess blesses women with children and enables people to fall in love with one another. Therefore, it can be argued that this image is crucial as it represents the goddess who determines whether people are fertile. The continuity of fertility in Uruk Period can be seen to be connected to the

Introduction to Terrorism Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Introduction to Terrorism - Research Paper Example The question then becomes what constitutes the best means of fighting terrorism. This essay considers the recruitment and financing of operatives by Al Qaeda and argues that the pivotal element in stopping terrorism is to follow the financing. Recruitment can be argued to represent the backbone of Al Qaeda operations. In considering recruitment processes, it’s argued that Al Qaeda recruits are not simply restricted to a regional area, but are rather united through the Muslim struggle against Western dominance. It follows that recruitment practices span the globe. Indeed, Blake states, â€Å"Pennsylvania professor Marc Sageman discovered 70 percent of terrorists were recruited outside their native country† (Blake, pg. 9). Within this spectrum of understanding, there are a number of elements implemented as means of recruiting displaced individuals. Among these elements indicate that training camps within Afghanistan and Pakistan represent crucial areas where individuals c an become involved with Al Qaeda operations. ... It is no surprise then that in fighting terrorism, it is critical to track and stop this flow of money. Funding to Al Qaeda comes from a variety of sources. Among these include, â€Å"charitable donations, businesses, and just about any illegal activity such as drug, weapon and immigrant trafficking, counterfeiting, forgery, kidnapping, etc† (Ward, pg. 17). Some of the major such income sources include Saudi charities. David Farley (2003) argues that if these sources could be shutdown Al Qaeda operations would suffer perhaps a critical blow. Bin Laden’s connections to wealthy contacts constituted a highly important element in procuring a large amount of this funding. While these charitable donations are given for a variety of reasons, the primary reason seems to be a religious affiliation with the political aims of the Al Qaeda terrorist effort. In addition to charitable donations, Al Qaeda business interests constitute other important elements of financing. In these re gards, investments in a variety of sources functions as important avenues of income. Like the mafia, Al Qaeda business operations function through fronts that operate for the nefarious terrorist purposes underneath. For instance, Bin Laden was able to generate income through secretly selling freight ships for a period. Within all of these operations the laundering and movement of funding to different organizational elements also constitute essential elements of the terrorist organizations operations. It’s clear that funding constitutes a major element of Al Qaeda operations. In conclusion, while it may be possible to eliminate leaders in the terrorist movement, or shutdown training facilities, the essential element in limiting terrorism is through tracing the funding that Al Qaeda

Disaster preparedness (case) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Disaster preparedness (case) - Essay Example One of the best strengths was that they were prepared and had a strategy already in force in case of a volcanic eruption. The strategy allowed the eruption area to be classified into zones. The zones helped keep people out of the more dangerous areas. The volcano was constantly monitored so that if there were an indication of an eruption, those in the area could be warned. This is the type of preparedness that is necessary to prevent more than necessary losses. A weakness in the Mount Pinatubo eruption is the way that the people near the volcano were evacuated. The evacuation is controlled by the local authorities. This is not enough. More structured evacuation techniques should have been in place to aid those living near the volcano, a way out. Not everyone may have accessibility to find out that there is a warning. A better effort could have been taken to inform those of the eruption. The Philippine governments never even issued a warning until after the eruption even though they had prepared efforts in place. The people in the village were able move to temporary housing until the evacuation was complete. The temporary housing was like bunkers. This allowed the people of the village to relocate to a safe location. The people that were relocated were also able to find temporary work. This temporary work helped with common living expenses. Plans like this that allowed for temporary housing and work were a great strength to response efforts. Although not all of the efforts were strengths, it was important to do the best and remain calm in a panic situation. Natural disasters like the eruption allowed for future response efforts to be bettered because there was much to learn from the mistakes. Question 2 - Perry et al (2005) describe three critical social management techniques for responding to volcanic disasters. Describe how you would apply these techniques to preparedness and response efforts involving a volcanic disaster such as the eruption of

Political Culture And Malaysia

Political Culture And Malaysia Abstract: Pre-1999 studies pictured Malaysia as having a subject political culture. The post-2008 survey data shows Malaysia having a participant political culture and a high level of participation. The 2008 elections which witnessed the emergence of a strong opposition in the parliament reflect the maturity of the Malaysian electorate which augurs well for democracy in the country. Keywords: Malaysian political culture, elections, electoral behaviour, reformasi, democracy The results of the 2008 elections in which the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front or BN), lost two-thirds majority which it enjoyed, for half a century, to a loosely combined opposition parties, is argued by many to be the extension of the new idiom of politics created in 1998. The electoral change in 2008, according to several electoral studies, augurs well for the democratization of the country.  [1]   Projecting democracy for Malaysia entails an understanding of her political culture. A democratic form of participatory political system requires as well a political culture consistent with it.  [2]  It is sometimes termed the substructure of the state because its underlying values and beliefs influence the operation of all social and political organizations.  [3]  Political culture, derived from a structural-functional model of the political process, is defined as the political attitudes, beliefs, values and skills [within] an entire population, as well as those à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ within separate parts of that population.  [4]  It is the set of values within which a political system operates.  [5]  To Almond and Verba, it is the pattern of orientations to political objects among the members of the nation.  [6]  They divided orientations into cognitive, affective and evaluative dimensions. Cognitive orientation refers to knowledge of and belief about the political sy stem, its roles and the incumbents of these roles, its inputs, and its outputs. Affective orientation is feelings about the political system, its roles, personnel, and performance; while evaluative orientation is the judgments and opinions about political system and usually involves a combination of value standards and criteria with information and feeling. On this basis, Almond and Verba identified three cultural orientations: parochial, subject, and participant.  [7]  Parochialism is characterized by general ignorance about political objects. In subject political culture, citizens possess the requisite political knowledge without the sense that they could be effective political actors. Participant political culture combines knowledge about politics with a willingness to participate in the political process. After a period of some disuse, cultural approaches to understanding politics have experienced a revival in recent years. Scholars in the past did explore the political culture of Malaysia but with limited empirical evidence owing to the paucity of survey research. The contemporary political culture can, however, be analysed by using public opinion surveys conducted in Malaysia in recent years. This study reviews the findings of earlier studies on political culture which were based upon intuitive speculation supported by fragmentary evidence from several highly selective studiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.  [8]  This is followed by an examination of the existing political culture with the help of data from the survey conducted from 12 to 18 April 2008 in Peninsular Malaysia among 1,027 adult citizens. This random sample was stratified according to state, ethnicity, age and gender of the respondents. The distributions over age, ethnic groups and religions correspond to national figures. The interviews were conducted in Bahasa Malaysia, Mandarin, Tamil and English using the Computer Assisted Telephone Interview ( CATI) facilities of the International Islamic University Malaysia. Each interview lasted for about 25 minutes, on average. At a confidence level of 95 per cent, the survey results have a statistical precision of  ± 2.8 per cent of what they would be if the interviews were conducted with the entire voting age population residing in peninsular Malaysia. The questionnaire contained 38 items. This paper uses only part of the data (24 items) dealing with cognitive, affective and evaluational orientations and voting in the 2008 elections. The Traditional Political Culture Malaysia, with an area of 127,320 sq miles (329,758 sq km), is a federation of 13 states and 3 federal territories of Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and the newly created administrative capital for the federal government of Malaysia, Putrajaya. According to July 2009 estimate, Malaysia has a population of 28.31 million.  [9]  Malaysia is a multicultural society, with Malays (54.2 per cent), Chinese (25.3 per cent), Indians (7.5 per cent) and others (13.0 per cent) living side by side in peace. Malays along with the natives of Sabah and Sarawak (Eastern Malaysia), are officially classified as Bumiputra (sons of the soil, or indigenes). The non-bumiputras, consist mainly of the Chinese and the Indians whose large-scale immigration took place in the 19th century with colonization and modernization. Malaysias political culture is significantly impacted by the British colonial administration.  [10]  The British looked upon the Malays as intellectually deficient and lazy. They admired the Chinese for their industry, entrepreneurship and greed; while the Indians were viewed as cheap and compliant labour. Referring to Chinese and Indians, Lucian Pye characterized Malaysian politics as a confrontation of two incompatible cultures with different systems of values and behavioural norms.  [11]  Pye, however, missed out the Indians, perhaps because they are a minority. The Malays are Muslims; they speak Bahasa Malayu and maintain traditional customs and practices. They generally live in rural areas and their relations are based on mutual help, self-respect and the concept of brotherhood in Islam. All these impart a feeling of solidarity among the Malays. Malays refer to Malaysia, particularly Western Malaysia, as Tanah Melayu (the Land of the Malays) and they are very proud of it. Chandra Muzaffar argues that Malay political culture is a complex mix of elements inherited from the feudal tradition, Western values, and Islam.  [12]  Elections and the culture that accompanies it, the product of Western influence, are an integral dimension of Malay and Malaysian political culture. The factors that influence voting patterns are the product, among others, of Malay feudal history characterized by deference to the royalty, uncritical acceptance of state authority and subservience to governmental power. Malaysian political leaders expect and they do rec eive due respect and appropriate electoral support from the Malay electorate. The Malay government is known as kerajaan that refers to the raja who ruled from the pre-colonial courts. Members of parliament and state Legislative Assembly men are referred to as yang berhormat (he who is honoured), and sustain remarkable resiliency in office. The Malay political culture is parochial and passive; they tend to relieve anxieties created by political conflict by avoidance and silence and by repressing emotions in the hope that the problem will go away if matters are smoothed over.  [13]  Islam has also impacted on Malay political attitudes and orientations. Islam brought with it a feudal political culture in the 14th or the beginning of the 15th century and reinforced the feudalism of pre-Islamic Malaysia.  [14]   The Chinese derive their values from Confucian patterns and assumptions. According to Pye, the Chinese concept of power is one of an unambiguous leader or father figure to whom the subordinates dutifully obey. Both the omnipotent leader and his dutiful subordinates are assumed to be Chinese. Complaints of all sorts should be aired and redress sought from authority figures. The idea of a Chinese leader becoming the subordinate of a foreigner is culturally unthinkable. Thus, there is no role for minority leadership in a community dominated by a non-Confucian culture. It effectively means that the Chinese cannot be subservient to the Malay majority leadership. As a result, a large number of Chinese in Malaysia feel that a truly national politics is unattainable for them.  [15]  This makes the Chinese to opt out of the majority system and focus instead on special parochial groupings.  [16]  The Chinese political culture is aggressive; they tend to release anxieties created by pol itical conflict by voicing anguish to somebody and seek sympathy even from bystanders.  [17]   Of the current population, the Chinese are the most heterogeneous. Most of them confess to one or more of the three great religions of mainland China: Buddhism, Taoism or Confucianism, and speak Hokkien, Hakka and/or Cantonese. This heterogeneity is reflected in their politics. Unlike the Malays, the Chinese were and are divided in their loyalties. Most of the Chinese supported the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), the component of the BN but many also identified with opposition leftist and reformist parties. Yet, the Chinese were relatively far more mobilized socially and politically than the Malays. Living in urban centres and economically better off, the Chinese had easy access to higher education which tended to make them politically better informed. Indians, oftentimes regarded as a minority race, have made significant contributions to the socio-political and economic development of Malaysia. The Indian community is generally found around the urban areas and suburban rubber estates. It is generally believed that most Indians in Malaysia are politically informed and they operate small businesses. Some Indians work as professionals or labourers. They are industrious and entrepreneurial but cherish their values and traditions. Indians are close-knit community and are deeply religious. Many Indians adhere to Hinduism, some of them profess Christianity and Islam. The earlier immigrants had forged strong ties with their homeland without forming a strong bonding with their adopted country. The 1970s and 1980s generation regard Malaysia as their homeland. The Indian community has been perceived as passive and parochial. They did not cause much anxiety to the imperial rulers. They are culturally divided and their cultural diversity may be identified with their ancestors places of origin. They are mainly Hindu Tamils from southern India, speaking Tamil, Telegu, Malayalam, and some Hindi. In the post-independent Malaysia, the Indians do not form majority of their own in any Malaysian constituency. Hence most of them opted to support the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) which is a component of the ruling Barisan Nasional, in order to gain access to the Barisan system of the ethnic apportionment of political power and material resources. However, a small segment of the Indian community supported opposition. Malaysias multi-ethnicity made it imperative for the elites of each ethnic group to unite in a mutually beneficial fashion. The resultant system is a variant of conosciational democracy in which elections play an important role to fill in the public positions.  [18]  In procedural terms, however, Malaysian political system is considered narrow because it constrains the practice of civil and political rights through restrictions on assembly, the strategic use of detention orders and other legal and emergency powers. Yet, the pioneering survey of political attitudes in Malaysia conducted in November 1994 found majority of 395 respondents, selected randomly, supported limited practice of democracy.  [19]  According to Welsh, Malay respondents overall opposed the expansion of democracy; the minorities, especially the Indian respondents, favoured democracy, while the Chinese respondents were more ambivalent.  [20]  There was some sort of congruence between political culture an d regime type. In the elections held between 1959 and 1995, the ruling coalition, the BN, constantly maintained two-thirds majority of seats in the parliament as shown in Table 1. Table1: Results of Parliamentary Elections, 1959 to 1995 Year Alliance/BN Opposition Parties Total Seats Seats Per cent Seat Per cent 1959 74 51.8 30 48.2 104 1964 89 58.5 15 41.5 104 1969 66 48.4 37 51.6 103 1974 135 60.7 19 39.3 154 1978 131 57.2 24 42.8 154 1982 132 60.5 22 39.5 154 1896 148 57.3 29 41.5 177 1990 127 54.4 53 46.6 180 1995 162 65.1 30 34.8 192 Source: Abdul Rashid Moten and Tunku Mohar Mokhtar, Elections and the Electoral System in Malaysia at 50: Achievements and Aspirations, edited by Syed Arabi Idid (Singapore: Thomson Learning, 2008), 199. State and Society in Transition Political cultures, though often highly stable, are not immutable. They may evolve over time, and may even be profoundly altered in a short span of time. This change may result from the spread of mass education, technological development, globalised discourses of human rights and the like. Voluntary associations and popular movements may help with the formation of new identities.  [21]  In the Malaysian context, the intense economic development programme pursued by the government over the years has led to the transformation of the state, Islamic organizations and civil societies. The political identities of the Malay, Chinese, Indian and other communities have likewise undergone changes.  [22]   The British, during the colonial period, pursued policies that created an imbalance in development between the urban sector involved in tin mining and rubber plantation and the rural sector engaged in small scale agriculture. Post-independent leaders pursued policies that aimed not merely at developing the economy and alleviating poverty but also at narrowing the differential development gap among various groups. The national development policies outlined in the Five Year National Development Plans (NDPs) in the earlier phase concentrated on improving the living standards of the rural society by providing facilities for infrastructure, social services and agricultural development. Since 1971, the government, under what was called the New Economic Policy (NEP), embarked upon a socio-economic restructuring affirmative action programme. The NEP aimed at promoting national unity and a just society by attacking poverty and reducing and eventually eliminating the identity of race with econ omic function.  [23]  In 1990, the post-NEP era began with Vision 2020 which espoused a commitment to forging a Bangsa Malaysia, a united Malaysian nation with a sense of a common and shared destiny under the leadership of Mahathir Mohamad, who served as Prime Minister from 1982 to 2003. That became the basis of the National Development Policy that aimed, among others, to strike an optimum balance between the goals of economic growth and equity.  [24]   Malaysia, under a soft authoritarian regime led by Mahathir Mohamad, made good economic progress, technological development and considerable rural-urban migration.  [25]  However, the growth was accompanied by an element of patronage leading to significant leakages and disproportionate gains to individuals and companies, such as the Renong, Technology Resources, Berjaya and Tanjong groups, associated with UMNO, the dominant party in the BN, the ruling coalition.  [26]  This state-capital nexus in Malaysia is termed party capitalism or money politics. Nevertheless, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 7 per cent during the 1990s. GDP per capita rose from RM 1,090 in 1970 to RM 14,924.3 in 2000. During 1970 to 2000, employment in agriculture shrank from 53.2 per cent to 15.2 per cent while employment in manufacturing increased from 9.0 per cent to 27.6 per cent. Literacy rate for the corresponding period rose from 58.1 per cent to 87.4 per cent. There was also a marked reduction in both rural and urban poverty.  [27]  Between 1981 and 1989, economic growth averaged 5.4 per cent which rose to 8.8 per cent between 1990 and 1996. The middle class expanded from 20 per cent of the working population in 1970 to approximately 45 per cent by 1993.  [28]  The rapid expansion of the middle class is considered as an impetus to liberalization and democratization in Malaysia. It has given rise to a consumer culture and a lifestyle dominated by shopping malls, restaurants, and Western-owned fast-food outlets.  [29]  Interestingly, this new Malay middle class was suffering from alienation presumably because they did not benefit from party capitalism by joining the elite group who enjoyed the state patronage. The growth of the middle class led to the emergence of civil societies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Aliran was established in August 1977 for the reform of Malaysian society guided by universal spiritual and moral values. It launched its publication Aliran Monthly in 1980. SUARAM (Suara Rakyat Malaysia, or Voice of the Malaysian People) was established in 1987 to promote freedom of expression, assembly and association. HAKAM (Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia or The National Human Rights Soceity) was formed in 1990 to work on human rights issues. Tenaganita (Womens Force) was established in 1991 to promote the rights of women workers and migrant workers. In 1993, some 50 NGOs adopted The Malaysian Human Rights Charter. Evidently, these organizations advocate various social, economic, cultural and political causes, interests, and agendas.  [30]  They have been instrumental in initiating positive changes in various spheres of life. They have helped Malaysians eng age in networking and increase their strength and confidence to solve problems with or without government assistance. Malaysians have learned to form groups, organise meetings and rallies, improve means of communication and gain new knowledge. These associations have been critical of various government policies and voiced their concern in public. Indeed, civil societies became more vocal during the reformasi period.  [31]   Reformasi and the Changes in the Electoral Behaviour In July 1997 money speculators attacked the Malaysian currency which eventually plunged the country into first recession for many years. The financial crisis widened the differences between Prime Minister Mahathir and his ambitious deputy Anwar Ibrahim who was seen as conspiring to overthrow the Prime Minister which became overt in June 1998 at the UMNO party elections in which one of Anwars supporters openly criticised Mahathir for economic mismanagement. The speech came too close on the heels of the Indonesian anti-KKN (kolusi, korupsi dan nepotisme, or collusion, corruption and nepotism) reformasi movement that toppled Suharto in May, a month earlier.  [32]  Mahathir blamed currency speculators especially George Soros for the financial crisis whereas Anwar Ibrahim blamed it upon Mahathirs obsession with unproductive mega projects and nepotism. Mahathir would not seek assistance from the International bodies to overcome the crisis while Anwar was fully committed to adopting res cue package from International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Subsequent expulsion from the party, arrest and imprisonment of Anwar Ibrahim, on charges of misuse of power and immoral conduct, triggered the movement for reform, reformasi, demanding participatory democracy and justice for all.  [33]  The movement drew new actors, namely Malay women, youth and sections of the Malay middle class.  [34]   NGOs and civil societies cooperated and coordinated their anti-government actions. Numerous street demonstrations that followed led to the formation of Gagasan Demokrasi Rakyat (Coalition for Peoples Democracy or Gagasan), on 27 September 1998, composed of 18 political parties and organizations. Gagasans 10-point joint declaration demanded freedom of speech and assembly, impartial judiciary and the abolition of detention without trial and the draconian Internal Security Act. There also emerged Gerakan Keadilan Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian Peoples Movement for Justice or Gerak) composed of various Muslim non-governmental organizations but included the opposition political parties like Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Partai Se-Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS). December 1998 saw the emergence of the Pergerakan Keadilan Sosial (Movement for Social Justice or Adil) under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahims wife, Wan Azizah Ismail, which pressed for political, economic and social reform. Adil, in 1999, metamorphosed into the multi-ethnic Parti Keadilan Nasional (National Justice Party or keADILan). Subsequently, KeADILan, DAP, PAS and Parti Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian Peoples Party, PRM) formed an opposition alliance known as the Barisan Alternatif (Alternative Coalition, BA). Simultaneously, several reformasi-related websites emerged demanding more democratic space, accountability of the rulers and a participatory political system. The first reformasi website, Anwar On-line, was launched on September 1, 1998 and was followed within a few months by over fifty pro-Anwar and pro-reform websites. Well developed professional sites include AIM (Abolish the ISA Movement), Aliran Online, HarakahDaily, Bereita Keadilan, the Free Anwar Campaign, etc. The countrys first commercial on-line newspaper, Malaysiakini, was launched just nine days prior to the general election of 1999. The number of internet users rose from about 500,000 in 1999 to an estimated two million in 2002. The Internet was relatively free from government control and was an important venue for political discourse. The internet has created dense networks linking geographically dispersed activists that constitute themselves into the building blocs for bottom-up democratisation process.  [35]  As society has changed, with demographic shifts reinforced by new information technologies and globalization process, political culture has changed, too, particularly among the younger generation.  [36]  Malaysians became active citizens and took it upon themselves to know, to feel and to evaluate the policies emanating from the political system and to vote accordingly. This is clear from the voting behaviour of the Malaysian electorate in the 10th, 11th and 12th general elections. The tenth elections for parliamentary and state assemblies were held on November 29, 1999 preceded by a nine-day campaign period. The elections saw many non-governmental organizations in the forefront making their voices heard through various mechanisms including the use of internet. The BA contested the November 1999 elections with a joint manifesto: Towards a Just Malaysia free from widespread corruption, abuse of power and crippling poverty. The manifesto promised a strong national economy, enhanced government transparency and accountability, national unity and a genuinely democratic society. They took full advantage of the Internet to disseminate information. The opposition front made startling gains winning 45 out of 193 seats in the national parliament. PAS, the major component of the BA, not only retained the state of Kelantan but it also captured the neighbouring, oil-rich Terengganu. Four Malay cabinet ministers and the chief minister of Terengganu lost in the election. Prim e Minister Mahathirs winning margin in Kubang Pasu constituency in Kedah had shrunk by about 40 per cent from 1995. Most of BN candidates won with slim margins. The eleventh general elections were held on March 21, 2004 in which the BN won unprecedented 62.37 per cent of the votes and 90.4 per cent of seats in Parliament and recaptured Terengganu lost in 1999. This result shows maturity on the part of the Malaysian electorate for three reasons. One, the leadership of BN has changed. Abdullah Badawi who took office on October 31, 2003 was perceived as friendly and a man of the people. His fight against corruption; insistence on public accountability and shift from corporate mega-projects to agro-based, rural projects were well received by the electorate tired of corruption and confrontational politics.Two, the BN adopted the core reformasi demands of accountability, transparency and good governance. Its manifesto described BN as moving Toward Excellence, Glory, and Distinction. Three, the opposition front, BA, that performed well during the 1999 elections could not continue to work as a team. The cordiality between the parties waned and some of them suffered from financial difficulties and mass defections. The opposition parties contested against each other in many constituencies. Under the circumstances, the best bet for the Malaysian electorate was to vote BN. The reforms Abdullah instituted during the following four years did not meet the public expectation. A number of factors contributed to a rising discontent among Malaysians including rising crime, a number of corruption scandals, the weaknesses of the judicial system, and interferences with the appointment of senior judges and increased food and fuel prices. The opposition parties joined hands under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim and capitalized on the public anger over transparency and accountability. Using alternative media, they highlighted the weaknesses of the government and campaigned effectively in the twelfth elections held on March 8, 2008. The electorate reversed their earlier decision in the 2008 elections denying the ruling coalition its two-thirds majority in parliament and giving the opposition parties control of 5 state assemblies. The reformasi movement is considered by many to be a clear manifestation of a change in Malaysias political culture. They reshaped the configuration of forces and, since then, Malaysian politics has changed. According to Jomo, the reformasi liberated the Malaysian and, in particular, the Malay political discourse.  [37]  Since 1998, writes Francis, a new discourse and practice of participatory democracy has gained ground among Malaysiansà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.  [38]  Meredith Weiss is emphatic: Reformasi marked a shift in Malaysian politics.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Whatever degree of institutional change has so far occurred, Malaysian political culture now leans more toward new politics-characterized by fragmentation of ethnic communities and contesting discourses of ethnicism, participatory democracy, and developmentalismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦.  [39]   Andres Ufen argues that the Malaysian opposition has succeeded in establishing a viable pro-democratic political culture that is hardly destructible through sheer repression.  [40]   The landslide victory achieved by the BN under Abdullah Badawi in 2004 is also a reflection of the maturity of the Malaysian electorate. Citizens voted with the belief that the new government would be responsive to their needs, wants, and purposes which is an ess

Free Macbeth Essays: The Importance of Guilt :: Free Essay Writer

The Importance of Guilt in Macbeth Through the story guilt motivates Macbeth and Lady Macbeth to a great extent. Macbeth was a kind, fine nobleman of the king Duncan. But one day his benevolence and his patronage to the king changed. He had met the three witches who had revealed the three prophecies. The first prophecy was that Macbeth would become the thane of Cawdor. The second prophecy is that he will become the king in the future. The third was that Banquo’s sons will also become kings in the future (Banquo is a good friend of Macbeth). Macbeth took his future into his own hands. Lady Macbeth was the own who encouraged and persuaded Macbeth into the horrible circumstances. Guilt plays a role to the couple differently at certain occasions. Guilt encircles Macbeth the night he killed King Duncan. He came back to his wife with a horrified expression on his face. "This is a sorry sight"(Act2 scene2 line 20), he told her. . "A foolish thought, to say a sorry sight", Lady Macbeth was thunderstruck to his remark. She had no sense of guilt right then. He couldn’t believe what he had done, what he got himself into. The sons of the king, Malcolm and Donalbain, were in the next room. "There’s one did laugh in ‘s sleep, and one cried, "Murder!" That they did wake each other". I stood and heard them. But they did say their prayers, and addressed them Again to sleep. But wherefore could not I pronounce "Amen"? I had most need of blessing, and "Amen" Stuck in my throat." Macbeth had heard them say their prayers He was in fear. He was stunned and in shock that he had killed someone like King Duncan. Guilt surrounds Macbeth for the second time when he sends out the murderers to kill Banquo, his old friend. Macbeth had no other choice but to get rid of Banquo. Banquo had witnessed the three witches and the prophecies. One prophecy was that his son would become king one day "To make them kings, the seeds of Banquo kings"(Act3 scene1 line70). In order for Macbeth to be safe is to kill Banquo. Banquo may assume what had happened and tell the people of Scotland. "For Banquo’s issue have I filed my mind; for them the gracious Duncan have I murdered; Put rancors in the vessel of my peace only for them, and mine eternal jewel".